Department of State
TELEGRAM
CONFIDENTIAL 568
2
FEB 1971
ISLAMA
00964 01 OF 02 021024Z
10
ACTION
NEA - I S
INFO : OCT - 01 CIAE - 00 DODE - 00 PM - OS H- 02
INR - 08 L- 04 NSAE - 00
NSC - 10 P- 03 RSC - 01 PRS - 01
SS - 20 USIA - 12 AID - 28 RSR-O1/111 W
130807
R
021020Z FEB 71
FM
AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD
TO
SECSTATE WASHDC 6749
INFO
AMCONSUL DACCA
AMCONSUL
KARACHI
AMCONSUL
LAHORE
CONFIDENTIAL
SECTION 1 TO 2 ISLAMABAD
0964
SUBJ : PRES. YAHYA'S VIEWS ON MUJIBUR, BHUTTO, AND
PAKISTANI POLITICS
1.
Much of the time during my conversation with Pres. Yahya (Reftel) was consumed
in his musings on the character, political and family background, social and
political philosophy, etc. of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
The most salient observations which he made follow under separate headings.
2.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - His formal education was adequate but not extensive.
His life had been preoccupied with political agitation prior to 1947 and
subsequently.
He
utilized his extended prison term for the purpose of building a nucleus of his
now successful Awami League. The development of his Six Point Program was the
outgrowth of a provincial attitude built upon Bengali nationalism. Mujib's
preoccupations are totally Bengali preoccupations, trade being one, he most
certainly would favor close economic ties with India. (Yahya digressed while
discussing this aspect of Mujib's philosophy and made a categorical statement
to the effect that he felt there was nothing wrong in the re-establishment of
trade and trade routes with India, at least to the extent in being prior to
1965.) Mujib has rekindled the fires of Bengali nationalism to the point where
they may be difficult to control. Though definitely in command of the forthcoming
Assembly, nonetheless Mujib is fearful of Bhutto because he realizes that
Bhutto is educationally far better equipped, more knowledgeable and adroit in
public affairs and is "faster on his feet" in any area outside East
Pakistan.
3.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto - He was born to a very wealthy and conservative family. He
has an educational background which is considered outstanding. He received
training
both
in the UK and in the US. Ayub Khan
recognized Bhutto's talents and took him into the power center while Bhutto was
in his early 30's. When Bhutto fell from Ayub's favor he went directly to Yahya
for advise. Yahya counselled him to move slowly as his future was still ahead
of him. Bhutto left Pakistan
for some months and returned apparently with the desire to topple all that
stood in his way. It was at this time that he began his socialistic rantings.
Bhutto is not a socialist but an extremely bright opportunist who has sensed
the direction of the political tide now running and has adapted his entire
posture to it. He is fearful of Mujib neither because of Mujib's abilities nor
his philosophy but because Bhutto recognizes the strength of Mujib's present
political position and the need to reckon with it. It is more for pragmatic
reasons than philsophically that Bhutto has aligned himself with China. Bhutto's
PPP is showing signs of strain; Bhutto promised all things to all men,
including outlandish promises to his own lieutenants, and there is going to be
trouble in attempting to fulfil his public and private commitments.
4.
Yahya said that in meetings with both Bhutto and Mujib he had stressed the
absolute need of a working coalition at this time in order to write an
effective and viable constitution that would embrace all of Pakistan, not just one wing or the
other. This theme Yahya reiterated again and again and emphasized that he would
not validate a constitution which was so parochial that it would in effect be
the death knell of Pakistan
as it now exists. After the constitution is written and promulgated, Yahya
indicated that he hoped for a coalition of the Awami League and the PPP in
order that they might move together for the common good of Pakistan. He
said he felt this was preferable to the idea of Bhutto going into the
Opposition.
5.
President Yahya said that he had also pointed out to both Bhutto and Mujibur
the provincial nature of their source of political power. He noted that Mujibur
had no political support in the West wing and that Bhutto had received no
support in the East wing. In an effort to build in Pakistan the concept of a two-party
system, Pres. Yahya had counseled both leaders to work in harmony until the
next election, and meanwhile they should both attempt to build a base that
would be nationwide. He said that Bhutto thoroughly understood this but that
Mujibur was more reticent in
accepting
the idea.
FARLAND
Department of State
TELEGRAM
CONFIDENTIAL 636
ISLAMA
00964 02 OF 02 021132Z 21
ACTION
: NEA-15
INFO : OCT-01 CIAE-00 DODE-00 PM-05 H-02 INR-08
L-04 NSAE-00 NSC-10 P-03 RSC-O1
PRS-01
SS-20 USIA-12 AID-28 RSR-01/1 I 1 W 000304
R021020Z
FEB 71
FM
AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD
TO SECSTATE WASHDC 6750
INFO
AMCONSUL DACCA
AMCONSUL
KARACHI
AMCONSUL
LAHORE
CONFIDENTIAL
SECTION 2 OF 2 ISLAMABAD
0964
REF:
ISLAMABAD 930
SUBJ:
PRES. YAHYA'S VIEWS ON MUJIBUR, BHUTTO, AND PAKISTANI, POLITICS
6.
Pres. Yahya, in summing up his observations, noted that the Awami League had
done its homework well and had formulated concrete ideas on constitutional
provisions and had established a well-knit organization in East
Pakistan. The PPP, on the other hand, had spent most of its effort
politicking and had done little in the way of developing definite propositions.
As a result, Bhutto and party are not nearly as prepared as the Awami League in
coming forth with constructive proposals. Hence the PPP would like to forestall
the opening of the assembly whereas Mujibur, Yahya concluded, is striving to
convene the assembly on Feb 15 and there is some possibility that this may come
to pass.
7.
Before going on to another subject, I queried Pres. Yahya concerning the
possible outcome of the present discussions between Mujibur and Bhutto going on
in Dacca. Pres.
Yahya said he believed progress was being made and indicated his firm belief
that a constitution which he could validate would be written by the National
Assembly. He based his belief on the fact that both Mujibur and Bhutto realized
that the Martial Law Authority would not give up power until such a
constitution was forthcoming and that both realistically realized this was a
condition precedent to a transfer of power. Yahya said that even though Mujibur
would be adamant in his sponsorship of a constitution embodying his Six-Points,
he felt that from a practical standpoint there was some "give."
Likewise, Bhutto's position made it necessary that he, to some degree,
accommodate, hence, he felt that Bhutto would not be an obstructionist.
FARLAND
Source:
The American Papers- Secret and Confidential India.Pakistan.Bangladesh
Documents 1965-1973, The University Press Limited, p.481-483