Department of
State
AIRGRAM
CONFIDENTIAL
TO : SecState, WASH DC
INFO : Amembassy,
ISLAMABAD
Amconsul,
KARACHI
Amconsul,
DACCA
FROM : Amconsul, LAHORE DATE: APRIL 2,
1971
SUBJECT : Daultana's Comments On
Crisis
REF : LAHORE 515
The referenced telegram summarized a
conversation which the Consul General and the reporting officer held with Council Muslim League
President Mumtaz Daultana at his residence on March 29. Mr. Daultana spoke at length on the present crisis and the political negotiations in
Dacca which
immediately preceded President Yahya's decision to use
the Armed Forces against the Awami League in East Pakistan.
Muiib And His Demands : Daultana said that Mujib's
demands were much as President Yahya had spelled out in his address to the nation, except
that Yahya had not detailed Mujib's views on an interim
central government. Mujib had wanted Yahya to remain as President with no political
government at the Center. Mujib was not
"particularly concerned" about the Six Points and was willing to
accept an interim arrangement based on the
1962 Constitution. However, he envisaged that the President would allow the Awami
League to exercise full control over the affairs of East Pakistan, while the
President would perform a coordinating role for inter-provincial affairs of the
West Wing. On the "two-Assembly" proposal, Daultana
said Mujib had been rather vague as to whether he really
envisaged two separate assemblies or two subcommittees of the National Assembly. Daultana
said he tried to press Mujib to let the full Assembly meet to sanction the interim
arrangements, but that Mujib refused on the grounds
(which Daultana considered inadequate) that his
supporters would not tolerate his
sitting in the same room with Bhutto. Daultana said
he also tried to persuade Mujib to let the leaders of the small parties work on a
solution that would put Mujib in power at the Center. Mujib
said they could try, but he was convinced the West Pakistan establishment as represented by Yahya and Bhutto would never permit Bengalis to rule Pakistan. Daultana reported that Mujib was
also infuriated by the President's choice of advisers for the
negotiations--Cornelius, Pirzada and M.M. Ahmed, whom
Mujib considered representative of the anti-Bengali West Pak establishment.
In a conversation alone with Mujib, Daultana asked him if he genuinely wanted Pakistan to remain one. He told Mujib that some forty MNAs-elect
in West
Pakistan were prepared to work with Mujib
toward a constitutional settlement that would permit the Awami League majority to take
power at the Center and to enjoy maximum provincial autonomy in the East Wing. If, however, Mujib
was working toward separation Daultana and his friends needed to know, so that efforts
could be made to prevent a bloody
rupture. Mujib replied, and Daultana
accepted his response as sincere,
that while he was under great pressure to declare an independent Bangla Desh, he wanted to
maintain Pakistan.
Daultana
concluded from his conversations with Mujib in
Dacca that the Awami
League leader was unshakeably
persuaded that West Pakistanis would never permit a Bengali accession to power through democratic
means and that recent moves by Yahya and Bhutto, such as the postponement of the
National Assembly, were additional
steps in an historical process of conspiracy directed against the Bengalis. As a result of these suspicions, Mujib's goal in the negotiations with Yahya
appeared to be the achievement of de
jure control
in East Pakistan under an interim arrangement. If he achieved
this, Mujib believed he could then negotiate on an
equal basis with West Pakistan over permanent
constitutional arrangements. Daultana surmised that Mujib would ultimately seek a confederal
arrangement.
Source: The American Papers: Secret and
Confidential India-Pakistan-Bangladesh Documents 1965-1973, University Press
Limited. p. 525-526