Published in weekly Forum,
The Strategy for Autonomy
Muyeedul
Hasan
...In fact the time has come
when the no-alliance tactics of the Awami League needs to be closely scrutinized
as to its efficacy in realising the parties proclaimed political goals. Mujib's
oration at different public meetings starting from the impressive Paltan rally
has so far covered a wide range of policy issues from nationalisation to
foreign policy but has failed to throw sufficient light on the most crucial
question: how would it be possible to get his Six Points incorporated into the
next constitution. His reiterated objection to forming an electoral alliance
has been supplemented by his refusal to press for the settlement of substantive
autonomy for East Pakistan prior to the general election. This confirms his
eagerness to use Six-Points as a best selling item for the specific purpose of
winning maximum Assembly seats from East Pakistan. Towards that end he neither
wants Yahya to pre-empt the quantum of autonomy as suggested by the
Presidential broadcasts in July and November, nor does he want an alliance with
other pro-autonomy forces for fear of sharing his charisma and the charm of
Six-Points with them. But in his eagerness to capitalise on his brand of
autonomy, he is knowingly or unknowingly, assuming a tremendous responsibility
upon himself of carrying his demand to its logical conclusion without
compromising its contents. Whilst his present tactics will allow Mujib to
capture a majority of the seats from East Pakistan, he obviously cannot get a
constitution of his choice on the basis of his strength in one province
alone... In West Pakistan, there is hardly any political group today which will
not insist on deleting some popular provisions of the Six Points including
perhaps establishment of regional reserve bank, separate Exchange Control and
a Federal Government shorn of fiscal power. From the RTC experience it is
abundantly clear that formidable opposition to Six-Points exist not just
amongst rival parties but also in competing echelons of power. This hostility
is likely to surface prior to the authentication of the constitution by the
President, who has already kept his options open by declaring that he is not
going to perform the role of a mere signing machine.
In response to these
pragmatic considerations, if Mujib tries, as it is argued, to re-adjust his
position after the general election, he will find such options highly
dangerous. After the tremendous build up of mass feelings through his campaign
for Six-Points and chanting of Joi-Bangla, any search on his behalf for
a workable compromise with his West Pakistani associates will be looked upon by
the average man, including his party youngsters, as a crude attempt to barter
away some of the Province's unfulfilled rights. He will also be very vulnerable
from the flank due to his policy of exclusion of other pro-autonomy forces in
the province. He may well discover in the near future that his current
popularity was merely ephemeral.
The political options before
him pose a dilemma which could easily jeopardise his seven-year career as the
supreme leader of the Awami League, since the death of Suhrawardy. On one side
if he endeavours to make post-election modifications in the Six Points with a
view to present a workable constitution to the country, he will inevitably
impose serious strains on his popularity. If on the other hand, he gives
precedence to his popularity, he will have to preserve an uncompromising
posture in order to keep intact the substance of Six Points. This can only
precipitate a serious dead-lock in the Assembly. This will incidentally imply
that the country may not only be without a constitution after 120 days of fruitless
efforts by the Assembly but that ML will continue. It is too early to say what
shape the country's politics would take once the political parties exhaust
their competence to deliver a constitution. But should Mujib choose to carry
the fight for autonomy to the street after failing in the Assembly, he would
not only need fundamentally to reorganise his party to cope with the changed
strategy but would also require close co-operation from other pro-autonomy
forces within this province.
In fact, wherever Mujib
chooses to make his final stand, whether in the Assembly or in the street, he
cannot launch an effective battle, without the organisational help and support
of all the other pro-autonomy forces. This indicates the need for an initiative
by Mujib to secure the confidence of the relatively smaller parties and the
formulation of a common strategy for the realisation of autonomy. This must
necessarily take into account all possible contingencies which might develop in
the days ahead and must seek to coordinate the mass movement and Assembly
politics towards a common goal. Before the parties are caught up in the
election fever and start loosing their sense of perspective, the initiative for
building this vital understanding amongst the ranks of the autonomists must be
undertaken. Election alliances alone appear inadequate. What is needed is a
total understanding on the strategy for autonomy.